Tuesday, February 28, 2012

The Absurdity of New State Creation

In a short while from now, another round of constitution amendment exercise will ensue. This will be coming on the heel of the success of the one concluded on January 10, 2011 when President Jonathan signed the 1999 Constitution amendment into law. In that exercise conducted by the sixth National Assembly, about 30 amendments were successfully carried out between 2009 and 2010. Most of the amendments bordered on electoral reform and only few, such as those that give financial autonomy to the National Assembly; Amendment to section 145 and 190 of 1999 Constitution making it compulsory for President and Governors to formally write to the national and state assemblies when they are going on vacation or unable to discharge the function of their office; and the one that recognized the National Industrial Court as a superior Court of Record, were some of the few non-election related alterations.

Over time, agitations have soared for a new constitution which will derive out of a sovereign national conference (SNC) or a national conference. However, both the national assembly and the presidency are not favourably disposed to the idea of a SNC. They claimed that the legislature is representative of the interest of the people enough and as such able to deal with any issue that affects the public. Alternatively, agitators have called for a process led, bottom up and an inclusive constitution amendment exercise. This seems to be more amenable to the interest of government.

Apart from genuine electoral reform that can deliver credible polls to Nigeria, other areas of interest agitating the minds of several people and interest groups are that of State and local government creation; fiscal federalism or resource control; devolution of power; inter-governmental relations; amendment of land use act; State police; Immunity clause; number of ministers; number of terms for president and governors i.e. whether there should be one term of six or seven years instead of maximum of two terms of four years currently in the law; review of revenue allocation formula; ‘justiceability’ of chapter two of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) which deals with Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy; judicial reform among which is the review of the power of the Chief Justice of Nigeria in the composition of the National Judicial Council (NJC) and the need to separate the office of Attorney General from that of Minister or Commissioner for Justice; Role of traditional rulers in government, et cetera.

Ahead of the formal commencement of the constitution amendment, Deputy Senate President (DSP) and chairman of the Senate constitution amendment committee, Ike Ekweremadu at a public lecture held in Lagos on Friday, February 17, 2012 titled ‘Constitution Amendment and State Creation’ revealed that a total of 45 requests for new state creation has been received by the National Assembly. The DSP said about 34 of such memoranda were intra-state demands, seven interstate, while four cut across geopolitical zones.

According to him, minority fears, search for equity, speedy development and quest for political empires and influence by the elite are some of the key factors responsible for the proliferation of states and the agitations for more since independence. He noted that Nigeria would therefore become a federation of 81 states should all the requests be granted. This development is mind-boggling and heart-rending. How could we be agitating for further fragmentation of Nigeria despite our current, socio-political and economic challenges? This is tantamount to calling for the disintegration of the entity called Nigeria. Must every community and hamlet be a state or local government before the cry of marginalization will cease?

In his paper, Senator Ekweremadu raised some posers. These include, “Has the creation of more states allayed the fears of minorities and the feelings of marginalisation and domination? Has it resulted in good governance and speedier development at state levels than we had before? Importantly too, is the proliferation of states and even the extant ones viable and self-sustainable?” The answers to these are well known to keen observers of our polity and government. Creation of States and Local Governments has not and will not halt the cry of domination, neither has the current 36 State structure from 19 we had in 1976 brought higher level of development to the people. At best, it only created other layers of bureaucracy and astronomically increased the cost of governance. Non-viability of some of the existing states is not in doubt. We heard during the wage increase imbroglio last year when many states said they cannot pay N18, 000 minimum wage. Virtually all states in Nigeria have gone to bond market to raise money while few are barely able to provide basic social infrastructures.

Ekweremadu was spot on when he observed thus: “Again, at a time the global trend is aggressively moving towards the contraction of the size of government and cost of governance and at a time the nation is already sweating profusely under the yoke of unwieldy size of government at the federal, state, and local levels, can we really sustain the status-quo let alone create new burdens?”

I however fault DSP’s comment that since “the nation was not yet disposed to six federating units as a panacea to the dwindling fortunes of the Nigeria’s federalism in terms of viability, self-sustenance, healthy competition, cost of governance, and ensuring an acceptable level of equity then the South-East should be treated fairly and equally through the principle of equity in which all geopolitical zones have equal numbers of states.” By implication, Senator Ekweremadu is tacitly supporting the creation of additional state(s) in the South-East region. Good as it looks on the surface; if that argument is stretched we will need the creation of additional six states if we want parity. How do I mean?

Right now, South-East has five states (Imo, Enugu, Ebonyi, Abia and Anambra) while North-West has seven states (Jigawa, Sokoto, Kano, Zamfara, Kebbi, Kaduna and Katsina); South-West, South-South, North-Central, and North-East has six apiece. If we base our sentiment for further state creation on equity, then South-East should have additional two States while those which at present has six should then have additional one each created from their geo-political zone in order to bring all of them to seven state each. Thus, we will then have 42 instead of the current 36 state structure while Abuja will remain a Federal Capital Territory. Alternatively, one more should be created in South-East while that of the North-West should be reduced from seven to six to achieve parity. Left to me, we should allow the sleeping dog to lie. Any attempt to tinker with the current state structure will bring chaos, economic burden and political instability. What we need is greater devolution of power and resources to the existing states, genuine war against corruption, credible elections and good governance.

Monday, February 27, 2012

JISIEC and Campaign Finance Regulation

Jigawa State is located in the North-West geo-political zone of Nigeria. It was created out of the old Kano State on Tuesday, August 27, 1991 and has 27 Local Government Areas. Jigawa State Independent Electoral Commission (JISIEC) is one of the 36 State Independent Electoral Commissions in the country. JISIEC on February 18, 2012 conducted elections into the Chairmanship and Councillorship positions in all the LGAs of the State. Ahead of the election, I was one of the 4-man team that conducted trainings for the Electoral Officers, Assistant Electoral Officers, Head of Departments of JISIEC and the Collation/ Returning Officers appointed by the Commission. The trainings which were held at Jigawa State Hotel, Dutse between February 7 – 9, 2012 afforded me opportunity of examining the State Electoral Law and Guidelines for the Election. In this piece however, attention is focused on the campaign finance provisions contained in the legal framework.

JISIEC operates with State Independent Electoral Commission Law 2008 and Guidelines for Local Government Election 2012. Section 34 (c ) of the Jigawa State electoral law frowns at vote buying and has a penalty of N100,000 or 12 months imprisonment or both attached to the offence. A similar provision in section 36 (1e) states that: “Any person who induces or procures any other person to vote at an election knowing that such other person is not qualified to vote at an election shall be guilty of an offence liable on conviction to a fine of N100, 000 or imprisonment for 12 months or both.” Likewise, section 38 has very lengthy descriptions of bribery and corruption that the Commission frowns at and stipulated same penalty as above for such misdemeanors. In fact, succeeding section 39(1) states additional penalty of disqualification for a period of four years for anyone convicted of corrupt practices under the Act.

Further, section 45 of JISIEC law stipulates that “ Any person which being a voter corruptly accepts or takes money or induces any other person during election day shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable on conviction to a fine of N50,000 or six months imprisonment or both.” In section 87 the law prescribed that anyone vying for the position of councilor and chairmanship in Jigawa State should make a non-refundable payment of a fee to be prescribed by JISIEC. On inquiry, I was informed that councillorship contestant are required to pay N50,000 while those contesting for chairmanship are expected to pay N100,000 fee.

Additionally, the guideline in section 3(ii) states that “A person shall be qualified as a candidate to contest any Local Government election if; he produces evidence of TAX payment as and when due for a period of three years immediately proceeding the year of election.” In section 5 (5), the guideline stipulates that “Candidates shall not offer bribes or other forms of inducement to voters either directly or indirectly.”

So much for legal jargons, the issues at stake are: How many political parties, candidates and electorates in Jigawa State are aware of these legal provisions regulating campaign finance in the State? I ask this question because, oftentimes, when laws are passed, public enlightenment on these laws is hardly ever conducted by relevant authority. Granted that the aim of the state government in making these provisions in the law is to create a level playing field for the contestants during the election, lack of voter education may impede the achievement of this ideal.

This brings us to the issue of JISIEC’s capacity to create the needed awareness around the legal provisions governing Local Government Election in the state as well as enforcing compliance. It is doubtful if JISIEC has the technical capacity to do this as most of its staffers, inclusive of its Electoral Officers and their assistants, are engaged on ad-hoc basis. Even if they are permanent staff, political will, financial muscle and relevant trainings are needed to equip JISIEC staffs to ensure that chairmanship and councillorship positions in Jigawa State do not go to the highest bidders.

Thursday, February 23, 2012

Despoliation of Nigerian Environment by Oil Companies

I did my National Youth Service at Delta State during which I visited the Warri Refinery to see some fellow Corp members. During my visit, as soon as I got close to the vicinity of the refinery, I noticed a palpable change in the air I breathe. It was heavy and unnatural. This was attributed to the unabating gas flaring in the environment. In Nigeria, it has been impossible to stop oil companies from gas flaring due to government indulgence. Despite its negative health implication, it would seem that gas flaring is the least of the many worries of Nigerian government. What with the frequent oil spills in many of the Niger Delta areas? The latest of such occurred on January 16, 2012 when Chevron’s KS Endeavor exploration oil rig in the Funiwa field exploded. The affected areas include Kolo Ama I and II, Akasa, Sanagana, Fish Town, Fropa, Ekeni, Ezetu and Lobia - all in Bayelsa State, and with a combined population of some 500,000.

Despite the barking of the Senate Committees on Environment and Petroleum as well as the intervention of the Nigerian National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency (NOSDREA) the fire still rages more than four weeks after it started. According to a February 10, 2012 press statement issued in Warri by the Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN), Igwe Napoleon, the Bayelsa State branch secretary of the Nigeria Red Cross (NRC) was quoted as saying that his organization and the Bayelsa Ministry of Health are asking for seven million naira [US$44,000] to enable them make an initial dispatch of urgently needed relief items like water to the affected people and also carry out a damage impact assessment. Information credited to the state government said there had been a delay in the release of the money requested by the Red Cross due to political bickering and a sudden change in the state’s executive council. Pity!

I have watched the agony of these communities in the footages shown by African Independent Television (AIT) on its Big Story. The explosion has caused untold hardship on the people of the affected communities including destroying their ecosystem, denying them safe drinking water, causing them sicknesses of various kinds, among many other sordid impacts. In December 2011, Shell Bonga Oil Field leaked an estimated 1.7 million gallons of crude into the Nigerian ocean. SkyTruth, a nonprofit group in Virginia, USA estimates that the oil spill covers about 350 square miles. This debacle was said to have occurred when there was a break in transfer line during a routine transmission from the Bonga oil field to a tanker. 13 coastal villages were alleged to have been severely affected by that oil spill.

On August 4, 2011, United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) submitted the report of its Ogoniland Oil Assessment to President Goodluck Jonathan. Six months after, nothing has been done to implement the well-researched study. The findings of the assessment team are earth-shaking and worth considering. According to UNEP, pollution from over 50 years of oil operations in the region has penetrated further and deeper than many may have supposed. Over a 14-month period, the UNEP team examined more than 200 locations, surveyed 122 kilometers of pipeline rights of way, reviewed more than 5,000 medical records and engaged over 23,000 people at local community meetings. Detailed soil and groundwater contamination investigations were conducted at 69 sites, which ranged in size from 1,300 square meters (Barabeedom-K.dere, Gokana local government area (LGA) to 79 hectares (Ajeokpori-Akpajo, Eleme LGA). Altogether more than 4,000 samples were analyzed, including water taken from 142 groundwater monitoring wells drilled specifically for the study and soil extracted from 780 boreholes.

Some of the key findings of the assessment team include: Some areas, which appear unaffected at the surface, are in reality severely contaminated underground and action to protect human health and reduce the risks to affected communities should occur without delay; In at least 10 Ogoni communities where drinking water is contaminated with high levels of hydrocarbons, public health is seriously threatened; In one community, at Nisisioken Ogale, in western Ogoniland, families are drinking water from wells that is contaminated with benzene- a known carcinogen-at levels over 900 times above World Health Organization guidelines; Control and maintenance of oilfield infrastructure in Ogoniland has been and remains inadequate, the Shell Petroleum Development Company's own procedures have not been applied, creating public health and safety issues; The impact of oil on mangrove vegetation has been disastrous; When an oil spill occurs on land, fires often break out, killing vegetation and creating a crust over the land, making remediation or revegetation difficult; while the impact of individual contaminated land sites tends to be localized, air pollution related to oil industry operations is all pervasive and affecting the quality of life of close to one million people; Artisanal refining (a practice whereby crude oil illegally obtained from oil industry operations is refined in primitive stills), is endangering lives and ultimately causing pockets of environmental devastation in Ogoniland and neighbouring areas.

The expert assessors made the following propositions: Through a combination of approaches, individual contaminated land areas in Ogoniland can be cleaned up within five years, while the restoration of heavily-impacted mangrove stands and swamplands will take up to 30 years. However, all sources of ongoing contamination must be brought to an end before the clean-up of the creeks, sediments and mangroves can begin. The report recommends establishing three new institutions in Nigeria to support a comprehensive environmental restoration exercise. These are: Ogoniland Environmental Restoration Authority to oversee implementation of the study. The Authority's activities should be funded by an Environmental Restoration Fund for Ogoniland, to be set up with an initial capital injection of US$1 billion contributed by the oil industry and the government, to cover the first five years of the clean-up project. An Integrated Contaminated Soil Management Centre, to be built in Ogoniland and supported by potentially hundreds of mini treatment centres, to treat contaminated soil and provide hundreds of job opportunities. The report recommends creating a Centre of Excellence in Environmental Restoration in Ogoniland to promote learning and benefit other communities impacted by oil contamination in the Niger Delta and elsewhere in the world. Lastly, reforms of environmental government regulation, monitoring and enforcement, and improved practices by the oil industry were also recommended.

It behooves Nigerian government to muster the political will to implement this UNEP report. Government must also take stringent measures against oil explorers in Nigeria who have been ‘playing kite’ with the lives of our people through their unprofessional operations in our oil fields. We must save our environment by ensuring that act of negligence by oil companies are no longer treated with kid’s glove. These frequent oil spillages further underscore the imperative of passage of Petroleum Industry Bill that has been before the National Assembly for more than three years. When there is oil spill, it is not only the environment that suffers, there are huge human casualties and economic loses, there is therefore the urgent need for the people in the communities that have been affected by oil spill to be taken care of medically, materially and financially. This is what can bring lasting solution to the phenomenon of militancy in the Niger Delta region.

Thursday, February 16, 2012

M.D Abubakar’s Police Reform Initiatives

The new Acting Inspector General of Police, M.D Abubakar was seething with palpable anger as he addressed Assistant Commissioners of Police (ACPs) whose commands are in charge of operations and Criminal Investigation Departments (CIDs) on Monday, February 13, 2012. He dressed down his officers and men and pungently tongue-lashed them. He accused them of corruption, incompetence, unprofessional conducts and countless other ‘sins’. Abubakar noted that police duties had become commercialised and were provided at the whims and caprices of the highest bidder. In his words: “Our men are deployed to rich individuals and corporate entities such that we lack manpower to provide security for the common man; our investigation departments cannot equitably handle matters unless those involved have money to part with it. Our police stations, state CIDs and operation offices have become business centres and collection points for rendering returns from all kinds of squads and teams set up for the benefit of superior officers. Our respect is gone and the Nigerian public has lost even the slightest confidence in the ability of police to do any good thing.”

He regretted that justice is being perverted, peoples right denied, innocent souls committed to prison, torture and extra-judicial killings perpetrated, and so many people arbitrarily detained in their cells because they could not afford the illegal bail monies the police demanded. The IG further declared that state anti-robbery squads (SARS) set up by state governments to combat crime in their states had become killer teams, engaging in deals for land speculators and debt collection, while toll stations in the name of checkpoints adorn the highways with policemen shamefully collecting money from motorists in the full glare of the public.

Among the redemptive measures announced by the IGP include: The dismantling of all intra-state and highway road blocks, especially in Lagos and Edo States as well as in the South-eastern states; Disbandment of all squads, teams and other operational or investigating outfits under whatever name and a directive that such groups should collapse into the original structures recognised by police standards; The immediate release of all persons detained in police cells without lawful justification, and non-detention of persons beyond the stipulated period of 24 hours, except as otherwise permitted by law; ACPs must enforce discipline among their subordinates and cease to encourage patronage over and above merit in the conduct of official affair while also asking the officers to begin to task Divisional Police Officers (DPOs), Divisional Crime Officers (DCOs) and Divisional Operations Officers on the need to uphold core police mandates within their respective jurisdictions. Abubakar also announced the withdrawal of all policemen on illegal duty of protecting unauthorized individuals.

This is a courageous, bold and inspiring admittance of guilt with commensurable measures to tackle the identified menace. However, the IGP is not telling us anything new, neither is his actions novel. An average Nigerian who has had any dealing with the Police will attest to what MD Abubakar has said. In fact, Human Rights Watch in its 2010 report titled “Everyone’s in on the Game” detailed the corruption and human rights abuses by the Nigerian Police Force. According to HRW, “the 102-page report documents the myriad forms of police corruption in Nigeria. It also shows how institutionalized extortion, a profound lack of political will to reform the force, and impunity combine to make police corruption a deeply embedded problem.”

Also, many committees had previously been set up to dissect the plagues impeding efficiency and effectiveness in the Nigerian Police. Among them are the Admiral Murtala Nyako’s committee on the police in 1989; the Presidential Panel on National Security, headed by Professor Tekena Tamuno; the 2006 ex-IGP Muhammad Danmadami Committee; the retired DIG Chris Omeben committee and in 2008 a committee of experts led by another former Inspector General of Police, M.D.Yusuf which submitted a report with 125 recommendations. Just this 2012 January, President Goodluck Jonathan also set up Retired DIG Parry Osayande committee on police re-organisation.

To my own mind, the problem of Nigerian Police has been well articulated, what needs to be done is for government to muster the political will to implement the reform proposals. Nigerian Police is the only security institution which constitutionally has both a Nigerian Police Council headed by the President and a Police Service Commission saddled with appointment and discipline of senior police officers with the exception of IGP. Additionally, a separate Ministry, (Ministry of Police Affairs) was created for the Force. In spite of these bureaucracies, the performance of Nigerian Police has been anything but sterling.

I see the IGP’s tirade against his officers and men as that of someone wanting to impress his employers, all in a bid to get Senate confirmation. New broom, they say, sweeps clean but old broom knows all the corners. IGP directives have been previously issued by his predecessors, what came out of it? What is being done by IGP Abubakar amounts to mopping the floor of a leaking roof during a rainy season. It is not enough to berate your colleagues as having being corrupt; the needful and most sensible thing will be to remove those prevailing conditions that make the Police corrupt.

I learnt Nigerian Police is the least paid in West Africa, yet they buy their uniforms and shoes, what is government doing to enhance their welfare? Are the police well equipped to fight crime and criminality? Do they have intelligence gathering tools and modern forensic laboratory, skilled personnel to man it, arms and ammunition to combat crime? What are the training facilities and curriculum of Nigerian Police like? What state are their barracks and work stations? When state governments make donation of vehicles and communication gadgets to the Police formations, are there budgetary provisions or subventions for maintenance of these working tools? The politicization of Nigerian Police is its most undoing; government must allow our Police to enjoy both administrative as well as funding autonomy.

Wednesday, February 8, 2012

Musings on ‘ghost workers’ and pensioners

There are many evils bedeviling Nigeria’s civil service. They range from lack of professionalism, inefficiency, indolence to truancy. Towering above these is corruption. I hasten to concede that there is a sizeable number of conscientious, dedicated and highly professional employees in the service. However, like the saying goes, “The true rule in determining to embrace or reject a thing is not whether it has any evil in it but whether it has more evil than good.”

For quite some time now, the incidence of ‘ghost workers’ and pensioners has been plaguing the Nigerian civil service. Many staff and pensioner audits conducted by both the federal and the state governments have substantiated the claim that accounts and pension departments of many ministries, departments and agencies are a cesspool of corruption. A few examples will suffice.

A news medium, Daily Times, in its December 19, 2011 edition quoted the Commissioner for Local Government Affairs in Niger State, Garba Tagwai, as saying, “No fewer than 20,000 ‘ghost workers’ have been detected on the payroll of the 25 local government areas in Niger State.” He said the ‘ghost workers’ were discovered during the screening of local government staff and teachers, which began in November 2011.

Tagwai said, “We have a case of an account number that has seven names linked to it for the payment of salaries and no cogent explanation could be given for this criminal act. The preliminary report on the screening shows that only 40,000 workers were cleared from the 60,000 workforce in the 25 councils, clearly showing that 20,000 could not be verified; what you call ‘ghost workers’.”

While hosting members of the Nigeria Union of Journalists Kogi Correspondents Chapel in his office in August 2009, a former state Commissioner for Information, Science and Technology, Prof. Aaron Baba, said it was discovered that the state was losing about N700m to ‘ghost workers’ every month. According to him, the state government decided to screen its workforce because it discovered that the staff salaries that had been fluctuating between N1.2bn and N1.3bn jumped to N2bn, before deciding on salary relativity.

“At the end of the exercise, we discovered that we had a staff strength of about 27,000. Out of this number, over 4,000 staffers were employed since 2004 till date without government’s approval. Some were ‘ghost workers’, while others were fraudulently employed and receiving salaries that were not commensurate with their levels and qualifications,” he explained.

My father, Deacon Isaac Oyeniyi Ojo, was a teacher all his life and retired as a headmaster from the Osun State Teaching Service in 1995, after a meritorious service. He died in 1998 still waiting for his pension and gratuity. Prior to his death, he was sick and was placed on medication but he was too poor to afford the drugs for his ailment. Some of us, his children were out of school then but jobless; hence could not help out financially. Each time I reflect on my dad’s life and times, I shudder at the neglect and the inhuman conditions that the Nigerian state subjects her senior citizens to, especially her pensioners. My father’s fate is similar to those of many retirees in Nigeria.

The Chairman of the Delta Steel Company Pensioners Association, Mr. I. M. Akpotheghor, revealed recently that no fewer than 171 pensioners of the company at Ovwian-Aladja died between 2005 and 2009 while waiting for the payment of their 45 months’ pension arrears by the Federal Government. Over 86 senior pensioners of the Central Bank of Nigeria died between 2001 and 2010, while waiting for the bank to implement the Federal Government’s policy on harmonisation of pension scheme for civil servants. In the same vein, the Nigerian Ports Authority Pensioners’ Welfare Association, in 2010, petitioned President Goodluck Jonathan, urging him to prevail on the management of the NPA to settle 11 years’ unpaid pension arrears and other benefits. It lamented that about 1,000 of its members had died while waiting for their entitlements. The same fate befell many pensioners of the defunct Nigerian Airways and armed forces, to mention but a few.

While several lives are being lost prematurely as a result of non-payment of pension to Nigerian retirees, few unscrupulous elements in Nigeria’s pension offices nationwide are living in opulence through the diversion of pension fraud. The Chairman of the Nigerian Pension Reform Task Team, Alhaji Abdulrasheed Maina, recently disclosed that his team, after a successful nationwide biometric verification of pensioners, detected 71, 133 fake pensioners. Furthermore, N151bn fraud was also uncovered with the assistance of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission in pension offices across the country.

“Of the N151bn, the task team in conjunction with the EFCC traced and recovered a total of about N24bn and N15bn worth of property from some corrupt government officials in the Office of the Head of Service Pension Department. Sixty-six illegal bank accounts with N180m were also discovered,” he declared.

Maina attributed the plight of pensioners before his team was inaugurated in June 2010 to the following factors: “large scale corruption through diversion and mismanagement of pension fund; manipulation and falsification of data; non-improvement in the pension administrative structure; bureaucracy with poor, unreliable and inefficient accounting system.”

Recently, information attributed to the Finance Minster, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, also revealed that after the biometric capturing of the data of police pensioners, a fraud of over N1bn was also uncovered as the monthly pension of police pensioners had reduced considerably from N1.5bn to N500m.

It is quite unfortunate that in spite of the coming into force of a contributory pension scheme in 2004, many of the ills bedevilling the old order have not been wiped out, about eight years after. Apart from the embezzlement of pension funds, there are also complaints such as discrepancies in deductions from employee salaries; incorrect or outright non-remittances by some employers; non-disclosure of deductions to contributors by some Pension Fund Administrators; as well as the non-enrolment of staff of some public and private organisations in the contributory pension scheme even though such organisations have more than the prescribed minimum of five staff.

These twin evil of ‘ghost workers’ and pensioners must be halted. Out of the purported N151bn fraud discovered by the Pension Reform Task Team, only a paltry N39bn cash and property have been recovered. This is a far cry and has further underscored the imperative of a special tribunal or court to speedily try economic crimes in the country, as the regular courts would be too constrained to offer speedy justice delivery. Additionally, there is the need to name and shame all those found to have been involved in this crime against humanity.