Imperative of LG autonomy in Nigeria
There have been several news
reports over last Friday’s Supreme Court decision over the illegal dissolution
of elected council chairmen and councillors in Katsina and Oyo states. The
Nation newspaper of Saturday, May 8, 2021 reported that the apex court, in two
judgments on Friday, May 7, 2021, set aside the decision by Governors Aminu
Masari of Katsina State and Seyi Makinde of Oyo State to dissolve elected Local
Government councils in their states. A five-man panel of the apex court was
unanimous in holding that no governor has the power to sack democratically
elected council chairmen and councillors. It held that Masari and Makinde, by
sacking democratically elected local government councils, acted in breach of
Section 7(1) of the 1999 Constitution.
The two judgments were on the
appeals filed by sacked LG chairmen and councillors from Katsina and Oyo
states. The LG chairmen and councillors from the 34 LGs in Katsina, led by
Abubakar Ibrahim Yantaba, were elected under the banner of the Peoples
Democratic Party but were sacked in 2015 by Masari of the All Progressives
Congress. Those from the 33 LGAs as well as 35 Local Council Development Areas
in Oyo, led by Ayodeji Abass-Aleshinloye, elected under the banner of the APC,
were sacked in 2019 by Makinde of the PDP. Justice Adamu Jauro who read the
lead judgment in the appeal relating to Katsina, held that Masari acted
illegally and unconstitutional by sacking the appellants on allegation of
financial misappropriation of council funds. Justice Jauro ordered the Katsina
State Government to pay the appellants all their entitlements from the date of
their illegal dissolution to the date they were supposed to lawfully vacate
office.
In the Oyo case, Justice Ejembi
Eko, in the lead judgment, held that Makinde acted “invidiously and in
contemptuous disregard of a High Court judgement,” when he dissolved the
democratically elected chairmen and councillors, and appointed caretaker
committees to replace them. Justice Eko set aside an earlier judgment by the
Court of Appeal in Ibadan, which validated Makinde’s action, noting that the
lower court was wrong when it held that there was no reasonable cause of action
in the suit the appellants filed to prevent their sack. He noted the three-year
tenure of the sacked chairmen and councillors had since expired but proceeded
to hold that they deserved to be compensated for their tenure that was “illegally
truncated” on May 29, 2019.
Justice Eko ordered the Oyo State
Government to pay the sacked chairmen and councillors their accrued salaries
and allowances and directed the Attorney-General of Oyo State to, before August
7 this year, file an affidavit confirming the payment of the salaries and
allowances to the appellants. He equally awarded a cost of N20 million in
favour of the appellants. Other members of the panel, Justices Kekere Ekun,
Inyang Okoro, Ibrahim Saulawa and Adamu Jauro, agreed with the lead judgment.
It should be noted that this is not the first time the Supreme Court was
declaring unlawful the practice by state governors to dissolve elected LGs upon
assuming office.
The Attorney General of the
Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami, had pointed out this fact
when he faulted Makinde’s decision, in a letter dated January 14, 2020. In the
letter marked: HAGF/OYO/2020/Vol.1/1, which was addressed to Oyo State’s
Attorney General, Professor Oyelowo Oyewo, Malami drew Makinde’s attention to
past decisions of the Supreme Court on the issue and advised him to reverse the
dissolution. But, rather than heed the AGF’s advice, Makinde queried Malami’s
jurisdictional competence, claiming among others, that the issue was internal
to Oyo State.
I decided to quote the report
comprehensively to give you, readers, opportunities of having background
information to the case. I reliably learnt that Supreme Court has given similar
judgements in Abia, Ekiti, and Plateau states. The question is, why do
governors who swore to uphold the country’s constitution at inauguration turn
around to breach it immediately after assuming office? Many have said that this
is due to political expediency. It is believed that governors want to have
their loyalists occupying all the political structures of the states. This
seems baseless and irrational because even with those loyalists occupying those
seats, incumbent governors have lost re-election bids. Some have even lost
election into the Senate after two terms as governors of their respective
states.
I was privileged to be among the
panel of three that discussed this issue on a national television last Saturday
night. The point was made that this despicable act of dissolving duly elected
local government officials and inaugurating illegal caretaker committee was
borne out of the desire to control the resources of the Local Government Areas.
This control was made possible by the constitutional provision. The major
threat to financial autonomy of local government in Nigeria lies in some of the
sub-sections of Section 162 of the Nigerian Constitution. Here are some of the
relevant provisions in that section. Sub-section (5) says, “The amount standing
to the credit of Local Government Councils in the Federation Account shall also
be allocated to the State for the benefit of their Local Government Councils on
such terms and in such manner as may be prescribed by the National Assembly.”
Sub-section (6) says, “Each State
shall maintain a special account to be called “State Joint Local Government
Account” into which shall be paid all allocations to the Local Government
Councils of the State from the Federation Account and from the Government of
the State.” Sub (7) reads, “Each State shall pay to Local Government Councils
in its area of jurisdiction such proportion of its total revenue on such terms
and in such manner as may be prescribed by the National Assembly.” And finally,
sub-section (8) says, “The amount standing to the credit of the Local
Government Councils of a state shall be distributed among the Local Government
Councils of that state on such terms and in such manner as may be prescribed by
the House of Assembly of the state.”
Unless and until the “State Joint
Local Government Account” is abolished and council funds from the federation
account are directly paid to these 768 LGAs and six Area Councils of the
Federal Capital Territory (see, s. 3(6) of the CFRN), they will continue to be
dependent on the state governments for their existence. Quite unfortunately,
the 2018 constitution amendment on Local Government autonomy did not scale
through.
In 2019, Nigeria Financial
Intelligence Unit tried to salvage local government administration by issuing
guidelines with effect from June 1, 2019 that all funds due to the LGAs should
be paid directly into their respective accounts and that all Money Deposit
Banks should not honour any cash withdrawal request from the LGs beyond
N500,000 daily while all other financial transactions are to be made via
cheques or electronic money transfers. State governors rose stoutly against
this and lodged complaints with the President that the NFIU went beyond its
brief by issuing such a guideline. The Nigeria Governors’ Forum even sued the
NFIU on this matter.
I am of the considered view that
going forward, the Supreme Court should not only stop at asking the dissolved council
chairmen and councillors to be compensated, it should also ask the Federal
Government through the Accountant General to withhold allocations due to the
affected LGAs until the governors reinstated the dissolved council members.
Otherwise, the judgement of the court will continue to be a mere academic
exercise.
There is also the need to improve
significantly the quality of elections conducted by the State Independent
Electoral Commissions into the local governments. Not a few believe that the
purported elections into the LGAs organised by the 36 SIECs are mere coronation
as the ruling party at the state level, more often than not, wins all the
chairmanship and councillorship positions. The SIECs need to be granted
financial autonomy with their funding being on the first line charge of the
state Consolidated Revenue Fund like that of the Independent National Electoral
Commission.
Apart from the aforementioned,
local governments face huge corruption challenges both from the political
leadership and even the bureaucracy. There is virtually lack of financial
accountability at most of the local government areas. As earlier pointed out,
there are no budget, no active legislative council, and no sufficient civil
society engagement at the grassroots level. The little internally generated
revenues being collected by the administrative staff of local governments are
not properly accounted for. This is antithetical to good governance practice
and should be addressed via legislation and enforcement of legal provisions and
policy guidelines.
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