Why the rising opposition to Tinubu’s inauguration?
Disputed election is not peculiar
to Nigeria. It is a global phenomenon. We saw what recently happened in US
after the November 2020 election won by President Joe Biden. I am referring to
January 6, 2021 invasion of the US Congress by supporters of former president
Donald Trump. When leftist Lula da Silva defeated his bitter rival, far-right
President Jair Bolsonaro, to secure his return as Brazil’s leader in October
2022, his supporters invaded some of the country’s democratic institutions
wanting to prevent the inauguration of Lula da Silva. On Sunday, January 8,
2023, Bolsonaro supporters who refused to accept his election defeat stormed
Brazil’s Congress, the Supreme Court and presidential palace. Some of them
called for a military intervention to either restore the far-right Bolsonaro to
power, or oust Lula da Silva from the presidency.
After the August 2022
presidential election in Kenya, supporters of former Prime Minister Raila
Odinga who was defeated by William Ruto took to the streets of Nairobi and
other cities in Kenya to protest. They claimed that Odinga was rigged out. Even
after the Supreme Court of Kenya had confirmed Ruto’s victory and was
inaugurated as president, Odinga’s supporters early this year claimed to have
found a whistleblower who confirmed that Raila was rigged out by Independent
Electoral and Boundaries Commission of Kenya.
In Nigeria, starting from the
First Republic, there has been no election conducted by the various election
management bodies that have not been disputed. Election disputes led to the
fall of the first, second and the third republics. Remember the Western Region
crises over the disputed 1964/65 federal and regional elections, the Ondo and
Oyo State post-election riots of 1983 and the political impasse of June 12,
1993 Presidential election won by Bashorun MKO Abiola but truncated by Gen.
Ibrahim Babangida’s regime. Cumulatively, Nigeria in 63 years of independence
has witnessed 29 years of military junta.
Nigeria is in her Fourth Republic
which started on May 29, 1999. There have been seven general elections
organised by the Independent National Electoral Commission. They were held in
1999, 2003, 2007, 2011, 2015, 2019 and 2023. None of these were flawless. It
was election disputes that led to the situation where there are eight off-cycle
governorship elections in Kogi, Edo, Ekiti, Bayelsa, Ondo, Osun, Anambra and
Imo states. Indeed, Supreme Court in 2019 nullified the party primaries of the
All Progressives Congress in Rivers State and prevented the party from fielding
candidates in all the federal and state political offices.
The Zamfara State APC case was
worse, on Friday, May 24, 2019, barely five days to inauguration, the Supreme
Court sacked all its candidates who won elections in Zamfara State. The five-man
apex court led by the then acting Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Tanko
Muhammad, removed all candidates of the party in the state in the 2019 general
elections due to the party’s failure to conduct election for nomination of
candidates as required by law. In a unanimous judgment of the court, delivered
by Justice Paul Galinje, the court ordered candidates of other political
parties that came second to take over as the duly elected contestants.
In line with Nigeria’s
politicians’ tradition and convention of disputing elections, those who lost
out in the 2023 general elections have been unsparing in criticising the polls.
While those who won praised INEC to high heavens and described the commission
in superlative adjectives, those who did not win claimed to have been rigged
out. They said it is the worst election in the country’s electoral history.
Anyway, it is already envisaged
by the framers of our constitution that politicians will contest the outcome of
elections. That’s why our jurisprudence makes provision for Election Dispute
Resolution popularly called EDR. Anyone
interested in knowing the details of the provisions of Nigeria’s EDR should
read section 285, s. 233 ( e ) (i) and section 239(1)(a) of the 1999
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as amended as well as Part
VIII (Sections 130 – 140) of the Electoral Act 2022 which deals with
determination of election petitions arising from elections.
Lawyers will tell you that
election matters are sui generis which means they are unique or in a class of
their own. It can however be likened to criminal allegation where the
petitioner must prove fraud or crime beyond reasonable doubt. It is important for
those interested in electoral adjudication to understand the words of section
135 (1) of the Electoral Act 2022. It says, “An election shall not be liable to
be invalidated by reason of non-compliance with the provisions of this Act if
it appears to the Election Tribunal or Court that the election was conducted
substantially in accordance with the principles of this Act and that the
non-compliance did not affect substantially the result of the election.”
In Nigeria, section 239(1) (a) of
the Constitution has given original jurisdiction to the Court of Appeal to
exclusively hear petitions arising from presidential election dispute. That is
what just started last Monday, May 7, 2023. Section 285 (5) of the Constitution
says “An election petition shall be filed within 21 days after the date of
declaration of results of the elections.” Subsection (6) says, “An election
tribunal shall deliver its judgment in writing within 180 days from the date of
filing the petition.” Subsection (7) says, “An appeal from a decision of an
election tribunal or Court of Appeal in an election matter shall be heard and
disposed of within 60 days from the date of delivery of judgment of the
tribunal or Court of Appeal.”
The point here is that, unlike in
other climes and jurisdictions, presidential election petition starts at the
Court of Appeal and ends at the Supreme Court. Thus, the Court of Appeal is at
liberty to hear the petition of the four opposition political parties and
candidates who have expressed displeasure over the February 25, 2023
presidential election won by the APC candidate, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu for 180
days starting from March 1, 2023 when INEC declared the result of the
presidential election.
Now, the curious and
unprecedented thing happening from the camp of the opposition candidates and
their sympathisers is the call for Tinubu not to be inaugurated on May 29, 2023
as stipulated by Nigerian Constitution.
The call was first made on Channels television by the running mate to
Labour Party presidential candidate, Dr. Datti Baba-Ahmed. Last week, Cardinal
John Onaiyekan, the Bishop Emeritus of the Archdiocese of Abuja said the
imminent inauguration of Nigeria’s president-elect does not make sense. The
cleric stated this on Thursday, May 4, during the Channels TV breakfast show
Sunrise Daily. Furthermore, leaders of thought from the South-East, under the
aegis of the Igbo Patriotic Forum, on Saturday, May 6, 2023 also called on the
presidency to allow the court to complete its work on the presidential election
petitions before anyone is sworn in as the next President of Nigeria.
Recall that on Friday, March 31,
2023, an unidentified passenger was whisked off the plane after he publicly
spoke against the inauguration of the president-elect on Ibom Air flight. Some
protesters also went to Defence Headquarters in Abuja to protest Tinubu’s
victory. They even asked the military to take over government.
Do those who are against the
inauguration of Tinubu know the implication of what they are doing? They want
to create vacuum in governance and hold the country to ransom. There are those
who have proposed interim government which the court has pronounced illegal,
unconstitutional, null and void since 1993. Is 2023 presidential election the
first to be held in Nigeria or disputed? Has any election petition been the
basis of halting any of the previous government’s inauguration? Were the
petitions against ex-presidents Obasanjo, Yar’Adua, Jonathan and the outgoing
Buhari not at the courts or tribunals when they were inaugurated? What makes
2023 different? I appeal to Nigerians not to allow politicians to truncate this
fledgling civil rule or democracy.
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