NASS on another constitutional alteration jamboree
On July 15, I was among the eminent panellists
who discussed the ongoing alteration of the Nigerian 1999 Constitution on
Tuesday Live on NTA. The programme, anchored by veteran broadcaster Cyril
Stober, had on the panel Chief J.S. Okutepa, SAN, Prof. Dakas J.C. Dakas, SAN,
Dr Tunji Abayomi and me. During the discussion, we looked at the desirability
or otherwise of continuous alteration of our grundnorm rather than having a
process-led, autochthonous, people-driven constitution, the kind of which Kenya
did in 2010. We also analysed several areas the Constitution needs to be
tinkered with. We finally submitted that amending the constitution is not the
magic wand that will bring about good governance and prosperity to our dear
country, but the right attitude of the operators.
The
principle of the rule of law stands on a tripod. Supremacy of the law, equality
before the law and fundamental human rights. In Nigeria, our successive leaders
are in breach of these three core values of the rule of law. If there is
constitutionalism, otherwise called supremacy and observance of the law, there
shouldn’t be a situation where, despite two previous amendments of the
constitution in 2018 and 2023 to give financial and administrative autonomy to
the state judiciary and Houses of Assembly, we will have governors constituting
a stumbling block to the full implementation of this law. If there is supremacy
of the law, the Supreme Court of Nigeria will not give a verdict on July 11,
2024, to have local government funds sent to them directly rather than via the
grossly abused state joint local government account and one year after, this
judgement of the highest court of the land will still be snubbed.
If
we’re practising true democracy, the successive presidents, including the
current one, will not routinely declare a state of emergency and suspend
governors, deputy governors and House of Assembly members as presently done by
President Bola Tinubu in Rivers State.
This is patently against the letter and spirit of Section 305 of the
Nigerian Constitution. If we are observing the rule of law in Nigeria, we
shouldn’t have a situation where democratic institutions, such as State
Independent Electoral Commissions, would be routinely dissolved and
reconstituted, as is the situation in Rivers State. Neither would we have a
situation where elected local government chairmen and councillors will be
extra-judicially removed from office and caretaker committees or sole administrators
appointed in their stead.
Despite
all these concerns, National Assembly is currently embarking on another
multi-billion-naira jamboree of altering the Constitution for the sixth time
since the advent of this Fourth Republic on May 29, 1999. The 10th National
Assembly set the ball rolling in February 2024. The House of Representatives
Committee on Constitution Review issued a Call for Memoranda, enjoining
Nigerians to submit memoranda or proposals for further amendments to the
Constitution on a variety of thematic areas, including the Nigeria Police and
Nigerian security architecture, public revenue, fiscal federation and revenue
allocation, judicial reforms, electoral reforms, traditional institutions,
gender related issues, process of state creation, state access to mining, among
others. Earlier, the President of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, on February 14,
constituted a 45-member Committee on Constitution Review chaired by the Deputy
President of the Senate, Jibrin Barau. In the House of Representatives, the
Speaker, Rt. Hon. Tajudeen Abbas, inaugurated the 43-member Committee on Constitution
Review at an inaugural ceremony and citizens’ engagement organised by the
committee on February 26, 2024, in Abuja.
Imagine,
it took almost one and a half years before our federal lawmakers moved to the
next critical stage of organising public hearings. Instead of having a joint
Senate/House of Representatives Constitution alteration committee, the two
chambers decided to have it separate. While the Senate committee held a two-day
public hearing across six geo-political zones on July 4 and 5, 2025, the House
of Representatives held public hearings in over a dozen centres. According to
the schedule, the public hearing was conducted in two phases. The first phase,
covering the northern zones, was held from Friday, July 11 to Sunday, July 13,
2025, while the second phase, covering the southern zones, was conducted from
Friday, July 18 to Sunday, July 20, 2025. A national public hearing was held on
Monday, July 21, 2025, in Abuja.
Key
thematic areas upon which public hearing was held include electoral and
judicial reforms, legislative efficiency, devolution of powers, strengthening
of institutions, fiscal federalism, inclusive governance, gender equity, local
government autonomy, security architecture, traditional institutions, and the
creation of new states and local government areas.
The
Patriots, in partnership with the Nigerian Political Summit Group, held a
National Summit on the Future of Nigeria’s Constitutional Democracy from
Wednesday, July 16, to Thursday, July 17, 2025, in Abuja. The summit agreed
that the 1999 Constitution (as amended) is deeply flawed and unrepresentative
in that it was not made by the people and is inadequate for addressing the
country’s pluralism and the various challenges confronting Nigeria as a nation.
Therefore, delegates agreed that there is a need for a new people-driven,
inclusive, democratic Constitution anchored on true federalism. They demanded a
constituent assembly, a referendum and made a bouquet of other proposals.
As I
said on Political Update on Nigerian Television Authority last Friday
afternoon, I appreciate and welcome the need for a new constitution as being
proposed by The Patriots, but what they are requesting is not feasible under
Tinubu’s administration due to time constraints. Take, for instance, billions
of naira have already been expended by the National Assembly with the pledge to
conclude the exercise by the end of 2025. I do not see President Tinubu
throwing a spanner in the wheel of progress already made by the National
Assembly. Don’t forget, President Tinubu promised a National Youth Conference
in October 2024; this is July 2025. That confab has not yet been held. I learnt
the Patriot met with the President last year, but he was noncommittal. I,
therefore, do not see him changing his mind this year even when he receives the
Patriots’ communique.
As per
the National Assembly’s effort, failure to end the current constitutional
reform by December 2025 will be counterproductive. This is because the 2027
general elections are scheduled for the first quarter of that year. Any
electoral reform, therefore, will need to be concluded in earnest so that the
Independent National Electoral Commission can factor it into the preparations
for the next round of elections. Take, for instance, the Reserved Seat advocacy
by Nigeria’s women groups as well as advocacy for independent candidacy. If
these two proposals were to succeed, INEC would have to budget more resources
than currently planned for the next round of elections. By the way, I fully
support the Reserved Seat proposal to engender political inclusion of women.
This was what Uganda did in Section 78 of its Constitution. It specifies that
Parliament consists of directly elected members, women representatives from
each district, and representatives for specific groups like youth and workers.
I support state police but vehemently objected to creation of more states and
local governments.
X:
@jideojong
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