Kenya 2017 election: Lessons for Nigeria
On
Tuesday, August 8, 2017, Kenya held its sixth general elections since return to
multi-party democracy in 1991. Declaring the result of the presidential
election last Friday in its Nairobi headquarters, the chairman of the country’s
electoral management body known as Independent Electoral and Boundary
Commission of Kenya, Barrister Wafula W. Chebukati said the incumbent President
Uhuru Kenyatta of Jubilee Party had a total of 8,215,963 votes representing
54.2 per cent to defeat his arch-rival Raila Odinga of National Super
Alliance/ODM who polled 6,815,971 votes representing 44.9
per cent. Total voters turnout was 79.4
per cent. The controversies surrounding the elections are still unfolding with
the claim by Odinga that the IEBC rigged the election in support of the
incumbent, President Kenyatta. Some lives have reportedly been lost to
post-election conflict with international community appealing for calm and
calling for caution.
I
have been privileged to discuss the recent political events in Kenya on
different media platforms in the last one week or so. I have featured on Global
Update and news analysis on three different Nigerian Television Authority
stations, African Independent Television and Federal Radio Corporation of
Nigeria. The more I read about the elections in the East African country, the
more I understand certain similarities and marked differences between Nigeria
and Kenya.
Like
Nigeria, Kenya is a multi-ethnic, plural society. Another similarity with
Nigeria is that it is a British colonised territory. It gained independence
from Britain in 1963 while we got ours three years earlier. Kenya was a one
party state from 1982 to 1991 but has since become a multi-party state. The
country is not new to electoral conflict. Since 1992, all elections held in
Kenya had led to bloodletting with the exception of those conducted in 2002 and
2013. In fact, the worst electoral violence took place in Kenya in 2007 when an
estimated 1,300 lives were lost and over 600,000 persons internally displaced. In
the lead up to the 2017 general election, on July 27, Christopher Msando, the
head of ICT Unit of IEBC of Kenya was tortured and murdered by unknown
assailants. In Nigeria, electoral
violence is a common phenomenon with several hundreds of lives lost. It would be recalled that in 2011, close to a
thousand lives were lost to pre and post-election crisis.
Kenya,
like Nigeria has bicameral legislature at the centre and unicameral legislature
at the state / county level. Both countries have also been adapting electoral
technology to enhance credibility of their elections. In Kenya, technology is
deployed in the areas of voter identification, candidate registration, result
transmission and presentation as well as biometric voter registration.
Similar
to what obtains in Nigeria, Kenya is plagued by endemic corruption, high
unemployment and poverty rate. According to Washington
Post of Friday, August 11, 2017, “One of the reasons, analysts say that
Kenya’s elections are so hotly contested is that the central government has
been an enormously profitable political machine, awarding contracts across a
large patronage network. A report from Kenya’s auditor-general last year said
that about $200 million meant for the National Youth Service had been paid to
fraudulent companies, including some with connections to politicians. The
United States earlier this year suspended $21 million in health funding due to
corruption allegations.” According to the
2016 Corruption Perception Index by Transparency International, Kenya is ranked
145 out of a total of 176 nations profiled while Nigeria is ranked 136. In
sub-Saharan Africa, while Kenya is ranked 26, Nigeria is ranked 28.
Unemployment rate in Kenya is officially put at 22.2 per cent.
Politically,
out of the four past presidents of Kenya, three of them had been from Kikuyu
tribe while one is Kalanjin. No Luo has ever been president in the over 50
years of the country’s nationhood. This is similar to the situation in Nigeria
where out of the three major ethnic groups the Igbos are yet to be president of
Nigeria. This has continually generated political tensions and is one of the bases
for the strident call for restructuring of Nigeria at present.
As
there are several similarities between Nigeria’s and Kenya’s political systems,
so are there legion of differences. For
instance, the Kenyan Constitution requires there to be a general election on
the second Tuesday in August in every fifth year. That is why the elections
were held last Tuesday. In Nigeria, we not only have our general election every
four years, there is latitude of five months within which our election
management body i.e. Independent National Electoral Commission could fix
election. The constitution says
elections into the office of the president, governors, National Assembly
(Senate and House of Representatives) and State Houses of Assembly are to be
held not earlier than 150 days and not later than 30 days to the expiration of
the tenure of the incumbent.
In
Kenya, unlike Nigeria, all elections are held in one day. Thus, on the eight of
this month, six separate elections - president, national assembly, female
representatives, governors, senate and county assemblies – were held
simultaneously. No wonder there was huge voter turnout. In Kenya, there is
provision for independent candidacy. Indeed, out of the eight presidential candidates
that participated in the country’s 2017 election, three of them ran as
independents. In Nigeria, for executive
positions such as President, Governor and Chairman of Local Government and Area
Council, a candidate has to score 25 percent of votes cast in two-third of his or her constituency as well
as majority of valid votes cast while for legislative positions, a winner
emerge by simple majority. However, in Kenya, a presidential candidate need 50
per cent plus one vote as well as 25 per cent of votes cast in 24 out of the 47
counties for first-round victory. Otherwise, there will be a run-off.
In
Kenya, unlike Nigeria, there is affirmative action for the marginalised
groups. Out of the 349 Members of
Parliament, 290 of them are directly elected while 47 seats are reserved for
women to be contested for while six Youths and six Persons with Disabilities are
nominated into the parliament. In the country’s 67 member Senate, 47 of them
are directly elected while 20 are nominated. Out of the 20 nominees, 16 are
women, two are Youths and two are PwD. History was made last week during the country’s
general election. Three Kenyan women were elected governors after beating some
of the seasoned male politicians. Joyce Laboso, Anne Waiguru and Charity Ngilu
made political history by becoming the first women to be elected as governors
in Kenya. Previously, all 47 counties were governed by males.
IEBC
of Kenya has chairman and vice chairman. While the chairman, Mr. Wafula W. Chebukati
is a man, the vice, Ms. Consolata Nkatha Bucha Maina is a lady. This is called
twining in political circles. Out of the eight members of the Commission, three
of them are women. Also, Kipng’etich Kones, the son of a late Cabinet Minister
Kipkalya Kones, who ran in the Kenyan parliamentary election lost to his
mother, Beatrice Kones. Unlike Nigeria
that has 36 states, Kenya has 47 counties which is their equivalent of our
state.
While
Nigeria’s polling hours is between 8am – 3pm, in Kenya, it is between 6am –
5pm. No sitting president has ever lost
an election in the East African country of 48 million people. This jinx has
been broken in Nigeria in 2015. In Kenya, prisoners who are not on death row or
serving life sentence are allowed to vote in the presidential election. There
is also provision for out-of-country or diaspora voting. In the August 8
general election, Kenyans in five African countries viz. South Africa,
Tanzania, Burundi, Rwanda and Uganda were registered to vote and approximately
7,000 of them voted in the presidential election. There is also public funding
for political parties in the country. In August 2010, Kenya’s new constitution
designed to limit the powers of the president and devolve power to the regions was
approved in referendum.
Where
lies the political lessons for Nigeria? In the noble provisions highlighted
above which guarantee inclusive electoral process.
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