A review of constitutional alterations under Buhari’s regime
The President, Major General
Muhammadu Buhari (retd.) has several flaws like every human being but it is
clear that he is a believer in Nigeria’s democratic project. Unlike
ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo and Goodluck Jonathan under whom constitutional
review exercises were truncated either by the National Assembly or the
president, Buhari holds the ace as being one under whom most constitutional
alterations have taken place. A total of 21 alterations have so far been
carried out under the outgoing government in three tranches. First was in 2018
when five constitutional alterations took place while the second was on Friday,
March 17, 2023 when a total of 16 new alterations were carried out on the 1999
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as amended.
The extant Nigerian
constitution has thus far been altered five times. Twice in 2010 under former
President Umaru Yar’Adua administration and thrice under the incumbent
president. Incidentally both of them are northerners from the same state of
Katsina and also Muslims. The two southern presidents who are also Christians –
Obasanjo and Jonathan did not succeed. The constitutional review exercise under
Obasanjo was derailed in May 2006 over his purported third term ambition.
Jonathan on his own vetoed the constitutional alteration bills in 2015 and
advanced reasons for doing so in a seven-page letter read on the floor of the
Senate on April 15, 2015. He said he could not sign the new proposals into law
due to irregularities and an attempt by the lawmakers to violate the doctrine
of Separation of Powers.
Among alterations of the
constitution signed into law in 2010, ex-President Musa Yar’Adua made the
Independent National Electoral Commission to be on First Line Charge on
Consolidated Revenue Fund of the federation. This gesture was similarly
extended to the National Assembly and federal Judiciary. The age qualification
of INEC chairman was reduced from 50 to 40 years and those of National
Commissioners and Resident Electoral Commissioners were reduced from 40 to 35
years. It was also then that the number of judges at the Election Petition
Tribunals was reduced from five to three and governorship election petition was
made to now terminate at the Supreme Court rather than Court of Appeal where it
used to end before 2011. Also, election petitions were now given a time limit
of 180 days at the tribunal and 60 days each at the Court of Appeal and Supreme
Court. It was also in the 2010 constitution amendment that the National
Industrial Court became the Court of Superior Records.
On May 31, 2018, President
Buhari signed the Not-Too-Young-To-Run bill which reduced age qualifications
for some political offices into law. They include that of President from 40 to
35 years, House of Representatives and State Houses of Assembly from 30 to 25
years. On June 8, 2018, Buhari signed four constitutional alteration bills into
law. They include Constitution amendment number 21 which relates to the
determination of pre-election matters. It has reduced the date and time of determining
pre-election matters to ensure that pre-election matters in court do not get
into the time of the elections and do not pend thereafter.
An amendment to bill number
16, assented to by the President, now ensures that a vice president or a deputy
governor who succeeds and completes the tenure of a president or governor can
only run for the office one more time. The other amendment is bill number 9
which gives the INEC sufficient time to conduct run-off and bye elections. It
has increased the number from seven to 21 days and generally widened the
latitude of the commission to handle election matters upon vacancy occurring.
The president same day also assented to the Constitution Fourth Alteration Bill
which granted financial autonomy and independence to the House of Assembly of
the respective states and to the judiciary of the respective states.
Out of the 35 bills sent to
President Buhari for assent in January 2023, he eventually signed 16 into law.
They are as follows: Fifth Alteration
(No.1), the Bill seeks to alter the Constitution of the Federal Republic of
Nigeria, 1999 to change the names of Afikpo North and Afikpo South Local
Government Areas; and for related matters. Fifth Alteration (No.2), the bill
seeks to alter the CFRN, 1999 to change the name of Kunchi Local Government
Area; and for related matters. Fifth Alteration (No.3), the bill seeks to alter
the CFRN, 1999 to change the names of Egbado North and Egbado South Local
Government Areas; and for related matters.
Fifth Alteration (No.4), the Bill seeks to alter the CFRN, 1999 to
correct the name of Atigbo Local Government Area; and for related matters.
Fifth Alteration (No.5), the bill seeks to alter the CFRN 1999 to correct the
name of Obia/Akpor Local Government Area; and for related matters.
Others include: Fifth Alteration (No.6), the bill seeks to alter
the CFRN, 1999 to provide for the financial independence of State Houses of
Assembly and State Judiciary; and for related matters. Fifth Alteration (No.8), the bill seeks to
alter the CFRN, 1999 to regulate the first session and inauguration of members-elect
of the National and State Houses of Assembly; and for related matters. Fifth Alteration (No.9), the bill seeks to
alter the CFRN, 1999 to delete the reference to the provisions of the Criminal
Code, Penal Code, Criminal Procedure Act, Criminal Procedure Code or Evidence
Act; and for related matters. Fifth Alteration (No.10), the bill seeks to alter
the CFRN, 1999 to exclude the period of intervening events in the computation
of time for determining pre-election petitions, election petitions and appeals;
and for related matters. Fifth Alteration (No.12), the bill seeks to alter the
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 to provide for the
post-call qualification of the Secretary of the National Judicial Council; and
for related matters.
Most significant for me are the devolution of
power bills. They include the Fifth Alteration (No.15), the bill seeks to alter
the CFRN, 1999 to delete the item “prisons” in the Exclusive Legislative List
and redesignate it as “Correctional Services” in the Concurrent Legislative
List; and for related matters. Fifth Alteration (No.16), the bill seeks to
alter the CFRN, 1999 to move the item “railways” from the Exclusive Legislative
List to the Concurrent Legislative List; and for related matters. Fifth Alteration
(No.17), the bill seeks to alter the CFRN, 1999 to allow states generate,
transmit and distribute electricity in areas covered by the national grid; and
for related matters.
I am also impressed with Fifth
Alteration (No.23). The bill seeks to alter the CFRN, 1999 to require the
president and governors to submit the names of persons nominated as ministers
or commissioners within 60 days of taking the oath of office for confirmation
by the Senate or state House of Assembly; and for related matters.
In Fifth Alteration (No.32),
the bill seeks to alter the CFRN, 1999 to correct the error in the definition
of the boundary of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja; and for related
matters. Lastly, is the Fifth Alteration (No.34), the bill seeks to alter the
CFRN 1999 to require the government to direct its policy towards ensuring right
to food and food security in Nigeria; and for related matters.
As I have said during media
interviews since the President signed the aforementioned 16 bills, though
President Buhari did not previously believe in restructuring, however, his
parting gift of amending the 68 items on the exclusive legislative lists and
devolving correctional services (Prisons), electricity and railways to the
concurrent legislative lists shows that the President has shifted his hardline
position on restructuring to effect these changes. It is also heart-warming
that the incoming administration of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and the 28 new and
re-elected governors will have only 60 days to constitute their cabinet both at
federal and state levels. Unlike 2015 when it took Buhari about six months to
constitute his cabinet and unlike situations in some states where commissioners
are not appointed one year into the administration of a new governor, that’s
now in the past. Equally heart-warming is the further alteration of the
constitution to effectively ensure that state Houses of Assembly and the
judiciary are now financially and administratively independent.
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