#EndSARS at five and the #FreeNnamdiKanu protest
Monday,
October 20, 2025 was the fifth anniversary of the #EndSARS protest that claimed
scores of lives and humongous public and private assets. In my column of October 28, 2020, I had
observed that “The #EndSARS protests and their unsavoury aftermath are pointers
to the trust deficit in government. When the protests began, they started off
on the social media and escalated to street protests. Though the federal and
state governments acted fast to calm frayed nerves by quickly acceding to the
five initial requests of the #EndSARS protesters, the youths who participated
in that epochal protests were not mollified because despite previous
assurances, government had done little or nothing to assuage their fears and
meet their demands. For example, they claimed that the dreaded SARS had been
previously disbanded in 2017, 2018 and 2019 yet they continued to operate with
impunity. Who then is fooling whom? As the saying goes, “if a man deceives me
once, shame on him, if twice, shame on me”. The reason being that, “once
bitten, twice shy”.
Giving
a timeline of events that led to the protests, Amnesty International in its
February 8, 2021 report said “On 4 October 2020, a video went viral showing
SARS officers dragging two men from a hotel and shooting one of them outside. A
few days later, protests erupted across Nigeria. On 11 October, SARS is
disbanded. But it was the 5th time since 2015 that the Nigerian authorities
pledged to reform the police and disband SARS. Protests continued demanding
more than empty promises. On 20 October, the Nigerian army violently repressed
a peaceful protest at the Lekki toll gate, shooting at the protesters and
killing at least 12 people. Since that day, the Nigerian authorities have tried
to cover up the events of the Lekki Toll Gate Shooting. They froze protests
leaders’ bank accounts and fined news agencies who diffused videos of the
shooting.”
In the
course of the protests, I went on an official assignment to Enugu. A German
Foundation, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung in collaboration with National Institute
for Legislative and Democratic Studies had organised a capacity building
training for South East and South-South geo-political zones state legislative
assemblies. The training was being conducted in batches of two days each, I was
one of the hired trainers. It remained one state assembly for us to finish when
news filtered that #EndSARS protesters have mobilised to the vicinity of the
venue of the workshop which was Nike Lake Resort. Meanwhile flights to Enugu
Airport had been suspended and as such we were boxed in. Road travel to Abuja
was impossible as news has it that there were protests in Kogi State and even
Federal Capital Territory. Thankfully the hotel management beefed up security
but we had to stay three days extra in trepidation before there was flight
resumption and we safely made it back to base. On our way to the Enugu Airport
we saw the vandalism of many banks, street lights and few other public infrastructures.
According
to Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre newsletter “Legist” of September 30, 2022,
“The independent investigative panel in Abuja set up to look into cases of
human rights violations by the Police, following the #EndSARS protest in
October 2020, submitted its report to the National Human Rights Commission on
Tuesday, September 27, 2022. The panel received 295 petitions from 29 States
and the FCT, on several issues, including threat to life, abuse of office,
non-payment of judgment sums, unlawful arrest and detention, among others. Out
of the 295 petitions, there were 64 cases of extra-judicial killings and 7
cases of enforced disappearance. The panel heard and decided on 95 petitions;
54 were struck out for lack of diligent prosecution by the petitioners and 57
were referred to the NHRC for further investigations. However, 54 petitions
were withdrawn by complainants for several reasons, including allegations of
intimidation by the Police, while some others resigned to fate.”
Last
Monday, on the occasion of the fifth anniversary of the #EndSARS protests,
Activist Omoyele Sowore led scores of his supporters to demand for the release
of the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu. The protests
with the hashtag #FreeNamdiKanuNow was held in Abuja and some states in the
South East region. Meanwhile, the police authority had last Friday obtained
court injunction to prevent the protest from taking place in and around the
Three Arms Zone along Shehu Shagari Way, Abuja. News report has it that the
protesters tried to breach the police barricade around the vicinity of the area
and were dispersed with teargas. According to the Force Police Public Relations
Officer, Benjamin Hundeyin, about eight people including Nnamdi Kanu’s younger
brother and one lawyer were arrested.
I have
been on several media stations to discuss the protest. Some of them include
Nigeria Info 99.3 FM, Lagos, Citizens 93.7 FM Abuja, News Central Television
and Daily Trust newspaper. I am of the
considered view that there should be political solution to the IPOB agitation
and that Nnamdi Kanu should be released. According to Albert Camus “Rebellion
cannot exist without the feeling that somewhere, in some way, you are
justified.” Yes, it’s true that IPOB has been proscribed. However, something
gave birth to the separatist agitation. Remember that before IPOB, there was
the Movement for the Actualisation of Sovereign State of Biafra led by was
Chief Ralph Uwazuruike. These organisations – MASSOB and IPOB – were formed as
a pressure group against the continued discrimination against and marginalisation
of the Igbo. Sincerely, aftermath of the 1967 – 1970 fratricidal civil war,
Igbos have not been forgiven by Nigeria’s powerful political elite for wanting
out of Nigeria.
Igbos
are not the only ethnic group that have wanted to leave Nigeria, recall the
agitation of the Oodua Peoples Congress and more recently, Yoruba Nation Agitators.
They also were calling for Oduduwa Republic.
The leader of the militia Oodua People's Congress, Ganiyu Adams, was declared
wanted by the then Inspector General of Police Musiliu Smith in 2000 with a
financial reward of N100,000 for his group's involvement in violent
clashes. He was ultimately arrested on
22 August 2001, but was later released after being held in prisons in Lagos,
Abeokuta and Abuja. Adams was arrested in Lagos, months after he was declared
wanted following ethnic violence in 1999. He was arraigned on numerous charges
including treason, murder, arson, and destruction of public property. On
October 14, 2017, Adams was appointed the 15th Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland
by late Oba Adeyemi III, the Alaafin of Oyo. I brought this to fore to
underscore the fact that what Nnamdi Kanu was being tried in court for had been
done previously by a Yoruba man and his case was resolved politically.
We shouldn’t
also forget that the Niger Delta militants under different groups such as Niger
Delta Avengers, Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta, and the Egbesu
Boys have all previously held the country by the jugular – killing, maiming and
destroying oil and gas pipelines. Yet, in 2009, late President Umaru Musa
Yar’Adua granted the militants amnesty
which they are still enjoying till today. Operation Safe Corridor is being used
by the Nigerian Army in North East to deradicalise and rehabilitate Boko Haram
insurgents who have previously killed and maimed. At present, Zamfara, Kaduna
and Katsina states have rolled out amnesty programmes for ‘repentant bandits’.
So, what has Kanu done that these other groups and persons did not do for which
he should be hanged or kept eternally behind bars? What is sauce for the goose,
is sauce for the gander. What the Igbos want is socio-political inclusion in
the governance of Nigeria. There’s nothing wrong if the kind of elite consensus
that made Yoruba to produce the president in 1999 is extended to the Igbo in
2027 or 2031.
I.G
@jideojong
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