Lessons for Nigeria on political inclusion

 

Nigeria has been holding national elections since 1923—103 years ago. However, it wasn’t until 1979 that the country adopted universal adult suffrage. This meant that all adults, irrespective of gender, status, ethnicity and religious persuasion, could vote once they were at least 18 years old and registered with the electoral management body. Over time, it became apparent that, although the voting franchise had been extended to all adults, representation in governance structures, whether in the executive or legislative arm, remained male-dominated, with severe restrictions on participation by women, youths and persons with disabilities.

According to UN Women, as of February 2024, only 3.9 per cent of seats in parliament were held by women. Nigeria has not elected a female president, vice president or governor in its more than 100 years of electoral democracy. Statistics on the representation of youths aged 18–35 and persons with disabilities are equally depressing. Not even the Not-Too-Young-to-Run law, which in 2018 lowered the minimum age for presidential candidates from 40 to 35 and for candidates seeking election to the House of Representatives and state houses of assembly from 30 to 25, has been able to improve the electoral representation of these marginalised groups.

Since 2023, women’s groups in Nigeria and He4She advocates like me have been lobbying for reserved seats for Nigerian women in parliament. Despite its sponsorship by the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Hon. Benjamin Kalu, the bill, which is among several constitutional amendments being considered by the 10th National Assembly, has not been passed. It is, however, heartwarming that the bill has received the most crucial endorsement: that of President Bola Tinubu. The commitment was given on Wednesday, October 14, 2026, during the inauguration of the All Progressives Congress Presidential Campaign Council at the State House, Abuja, ahead of the 2027 general elections.

 

The President was quoted as saying, “You women are the greatest mobilisers, and I assure you of a sponsorship of the Women Reserve Seat Bill. Go and work for it; it will come to fruition to increase the number of women’s representation at both the National Assembly and subnational level. I assure you that.” While this is a morale booster, the fact remains that, with 72 days to the 2027 general elections, the provision, once passed and assented to by the President, may not be implemented until the 2031 general elections.

I have had the privilege of observing elections in several countries, including the US, Egypt, Uganda and Ghana. As a psephologist, I have also researched how other democracies conduct their elections. I would like to share a few tips on what Nigeria could do to hold inclusive and participatory elections. Did you know that the minimum age for election to the Ghanaian parliament is 21, rather than Nigeria’s 25? Did you realise that, in Ghana, the election date is set in the constitution and strictly observed? In Mother Ghana, there are provisions for voting by proxy and for special or early voting. While voting by proxy allows a person to vote on behalf of another person, special voting is meant for electoral officials, media practitioners and members of the armed forces who are likely to be on special duty on election day. There is also a provision for independent candidates. In Nigeria, millions of election officials, polling agents, accredited observers, journalists and security agents are effectively excluded from voting, even when they are on the national voters’ register. This is because they will be on election assignments on voting day.

The US conducted its midterm elections yesterday, November 3, 2026. Did you know that, according to CNN, by the eve of the elections, 57.6 million Americans had already cast their votes? The US has provisions for absentee ballots for those who will not be around on election day. These ballots are sent by mail or fax, or they can be downloaded from a dedicated website. In the US, voting takes place for 13 hours (i.e. 7am–8pm or 6am–7pm) across the 50 states. The election date in America is also set in the Constitution as the first Tuesday of the election year. Although Election Day is a working day, there are no restrictions on movement or lockdowns like those imposed in Nigeria. This is exemplary.

 

In Egypt, the national identity card is used for voting; the country’s voters’ register is extracted from its national identity card database. Voting in Egypt takes place from 9 am to 9 pm, and only classrooms in public schools are used as polling stations. In Uganda, voting lasts for nine hours, from 7am to 4pm. As I have said several times, including during media interviews, the issue of gender mainstreaming in the electoral process, on which Nigeria is still playing catch-up, has long been settled in Uganda.

The country’s constitution provides for special interest groups such as women, youths, workers, persons with disabilities and even the military. They all have seats reserved for them in Uganda’s 418-member parliament. Article 78 of the Ugandan Constitution requires parliament to have one woman representative for every district or city. There are 112 districts in the country. Other interest groups include the Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces (the military), which has 10 reserved seats in parliament, and youths, workers and persons with disabilities, who have five reserved seats each. Of the five seats allocated to each of these groups, one is reserved for a woman. In the case of the UPDF, which has 10 seats, two are reserved for women. As in Ghana, there is also a provision for independent candidates in Uganda. A minimum qualification of an Advanced Level Certificate of Education is required to contest elections in Uganda. In Nigeria, the minimum qualification is an Ordinary Level West African Examinations Council certificate or its equivalent. Presidential election petitions must be submitted to the Supreme Court of Uganda within 10 days, and the court must adjudicate on the matter within 70 days.

According to the IFES FAQ on the 2022 Kenyan elections, “Kenya’s legal framework includes firm principles of gender equity. According to the 2010 Constitution, no more than two-thirds of the membership of any elective body in Kenya may be of the same sex. In this respect, the National Assembly reserves 47 seats for women, and the Senate reserves 16 for women, with two more Senate seats reserved for women representing youth and persons with disabilities.”

 

Another exemplary provision in Kenyan electoral law is out-of-country voting. According to the IEBC, out-of-country voting is allowed for presidential elections only. Kenyan voters outside the country may vote only from 12 countries, chosen based on the number of Kenyans who live there. These countries are Tanzania, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, South Africa, South Sudan, Germany, the United Kingdom, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Canada and the US. There is a provision for independent candidates. Prisoners can also vote in Kenya, but only in presidential elections. In Kenya, voting lasts for 12 hours, from 6 am to 6 pm!

Just as US elections are held on the first Tuesday in November of the election year, the constitution of Kenya requires general elections to be held on “the second Tuesday in August, in every fifth year”. This makes the election date known and sacrosanct. These are lessons that Big Brother Nigeria can learn from other democracies, not only in Africa but also beyond the continent.

I.G: @jideojong